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Why I'm a Christian Non-Voter

Part four in our series on Christian engagement in politics.

EDITOR'S NOTE: Like any election year, as 2012 progresses, political discussions will intensify—especially among Christians. For believers,there are always complicated questions of faith and policy, how oneaffects the other and when the two should be held separate. But whilethe questions might be the same, the answers people have are oftendifferent. Which is why RELEVANT is taking a few weeks to ask Christians ofvarious political backgrounds to describe how they arrived at theirparticular view and why they vote the way they do. We've already heard from a Christian Libertarian, Christian Republican and a Christian Democrat. Now, C. Christopher Smith shares how the model of Christ's incarnation leads him not to vote. 

“America, it may be, is doing very well upon the whole, notwithstanding these antics of the parties and their leaders, these half-brained nominees, the many ignorant ballots, and many elected failures and blatherers.”  —Walt Whitman

Whitman’s words ring as true today as they did when he penned them over a century ago. And although my rationale may differ from Whitman’s, I think these words get to the heart of why, for almost two decades, I have chosen not to vote.

Let me begin with the caveat that I don’t condemn people who vote. Rather, I simply believe voting is not the most important political practice of the Church—and I am part of a church community where a few of my brothers and sisters share this conviction.

My opposition to voting is rooted primarily in the narrative of Christ’s incarnation. Jesus was born and lived in a particular time and place; the kingdom He proclaimed did not seek to overthrow the Roman Empire and re-order society from the top down. Instead, He sought to reenergize the grassroots social order of YHWH begun in Ancient Israel, a locally embodied polis that functioned most healthfully without a king. Jesus called 12 disciples, a little community that recalled the 12 tribes of Israel, and they shared life together in a way that proclaimed God’s healing and abundance to the people they encountered.

After Jesus’ ascension, His disciples spread throughout the world planting little communities that embodied Jesus in their own particular places. These churches were, in a very real sense, the incarnation of Jesus in these places and the shape of their life together modeled a politics—a way of being together—that was not rooted in greed, power-grabbing or any form of self-interest. (If you want to know more about politics embodied in church communities, I suggest you read John Howard Yoder’s little book Body Politics.) This basic incarnational story of Christ and the Church is the one in which I and my brothers and sisters at Englewood Christian Church on the Near Eastside of Indianapolis find ourselves.

Our main political task, as a local church community, is to follow the mission of God in the church and thus to embody Jesus faithfully in our place and to work with our neighbors toward the health and flourishing of our neighborhood. Whitman’s assumption that there are more important political realities in our land than our elected officials rings true for me. According to theological narrative I have defined here, churches are the most important of these political realities, but also more important is the open dialogue and collaboration of neighbors as they seek to cultivate their places in such a way that they flourish and can be sustained. To invest ourselves in this political work is a viable alternative to voting, and perhaps more effective in shaping the future of our places.

To talk of politics from the narrative of Christ’s incarnation, and the continuing incarnation of Christ in our churches, is to emphasize that our most important political sphere is ultra-local, the care and flourishing of our neighborhoods. The United States as a nation, and probably even our states as well, are too large in their scope. Whitman’s scathing critique is leveled not at individual voters and politicians, but at a broken system in which the candidates who run for national offices are too far removed from us. We cannot know in any deep and meaningful sense who they are and what they represent. On the flip side, they cannot have intimate knowledge of all the places they represent and what is in the best interest of each of these places. 

In our age of mass media, we may have more information available about each of the candidates, but that does not mean we will know their character any better or what stances they will take under pressure of their elected roles. Many people voted for Obama, for example, because he promised change from Bush’s big-military and big-business policies. Disillusionment set in eventually as Obama did little to tone down the American wars in the Middle East and was very friendly to big business, using taxpayers’ money for instance to bail out floundering banks. Is it also not peculiar that we often know more about Romney, Obama and others clamoring for office in Washington than about the neighbors on our street?

Whitman got it right, I believe, that nominees are necessarily “half-brained,” limited in their capacity to know the vast diversity of their constituents and the places they inhabit. Candidates are thus also condemned to the blathering of propaganda, masking their lack of knowledge with empty campaign promises in order to win votes. And yes, candidates are ultimately condemned to failure as the complex power-dynamics of office unmask their inability to truly fulfill those promises. 

Despite our best efforts to the contrary, voters likewise act out of limited knowledge—Whitman’s “ignorant ballots.” We don’t really know who candidates are and how they will survive the massive pressures exerted in governing such a large domain as a state or nation. Political parties fill in some of these gaps for us, offering us a basic platform on which a candidate might be understood, but their “antics”—to use Whitman’s word—mostly serve at the present to devour our political identity and to ignite division.

No, our primary identity as the Church is in Christ, and not a political party. Many who hold a similarly incarnational theology do vote; it is not an either/or proposition. On the other hand, I intentionally submit to the discipline of not voting, as a sign of hope that the Kingdom of God will flourish and mature in the midst of our church communities. This discipline also serves to remind me of the depth of our call into the very political work of discerning and sharing life together with our neighbors in a way that bears witness to God’s reign.

C. Christopher Smith is editor of The Englewood Review of Books, and author of the recently released ebook The Virtue of Dialogue: Conversation as a Hopeful Practice of Church Communities. He is also co-writing a book entitled Slow Church (forthcoming IVP/Likewise).

Top Comments


Devyn commented…

So if we as American
Christians have at our disposal a very powerful tool to put Christians
into office (that have the ability to expand the Kingdom of God through
that office) and turn our backs to that God-given ability, would that
not be a sin of omission? Seems to me that a Christian's participation
in the American political landscape is just another way to be a witness
to the world of Jesus' real and present power in the lives of His

This doesn't even begin to approach the idea that
because of Christ in us as renewed and redeemed people of God's Kingdom
(with the mind of Christ... I Cor 1:10-16) by His help Christians are
best equipped to lead and govern. But God's Kingdom requires action and
response, not passivity. We have the power and ability to see men and
women of God in highly elected offices simply because when God's people
pray and respond to His promptings, He makes the impossible possible.


Anonymous commented…

"All that isnecessaryfor evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing" - Edmund Burke




Glenn Trevisan commented…

Great article. I've toyed with the same position myself. I hesitate to comment because the other comments amaze me although they don't surprise me. I shared this with a friend who commented (and I agree): "All the author seems to be doing is shedding some light on the ineffectiveness of politics/government to bring about kingdom change -
yet he gets blasted in the comments." While I appreciate Chris' insights, the comments are much more revealing than his article about the state of Christianity in America - as
American Christians we are far more American than Christian.

Lois Wade


Lois Wade commented…

Well stated Glenn!

I feel it is high time we remembered our purpose is to glorify God first, last, and inbetween. American Democracy, as special and worthy as it is, is still not our primary reason for being here.


Guest commented…

Woah! Clearly this is a hot issue for most people. I just want to say that to some extent I agree with the author. I think that many of the people who have weighed in on this should learn to keep their mouths shut. It is so easy to throw an angry opinion on the internet without thinking twice about what we are saying. Is it Christlike to make points out of anger? If you don't have a problem eating meat sacrificed to idols then go ahead and eat that meat, if your brother has a problem with it then feeding it to him when he comes over for lunch is a crappy thing to do. The point being that each one should act according to his convictions.

Joe Tonan


Joe Tonan commented…

Overall, this is an excellent piece, however, I do want to make an objection to how you used the Walt Whitman quote.

You wrote, "“America, it may be, is doing very well upon the whole, notwithstanding these antics of the parties and their leaders, these half-brained nominees, the many ignorant ballots, and many elected failures and blatherers.' —Walt Whitman Whitman’s words ring as true today as they did when he penned them over a century ago. And although my rationale may differ from Whitman’s, I think these words get to the heart of why, for almost two decades, I have chosen not to vote."
However, when you look at that quote in context, even with our qualification about your rationale, it needs to be noted, as it was explicit in what you wrote, that Whitman's point is diametrically opposed to the position of your paper:

To practically enter into politics is an important part of American personalism. To every young man, north and south, earnestly studying these things, I should here, as an offset to what I have said in former pages, now also say, that maybe to views of very largest scope, after all, perhaps the political perhaps the literary and sociological) America goes best about its development its own way--sometimes, to temporary sight, appalling enough. It is the fashion among dilettants and fops (perhaps I myself am not guiltless), to decry the whole formulation of the active politics of America, as beyond redemption, and to be carefully kept away from. See you that you do not fall into this error. America, it may be, is doing very well upon the whole, notwithstanding these antics of the parties and their leaders, these half-brained nominees, the many ignorant ballots, and many elected failures and blatherers. It is the dilettants, and all who shirk their duty, who are not doing well. As for you, I advise you to enter more strongly yet into politics. I advise every young man to do so. Always inform yourself; always do the best you can; always vote. Disengage yourself from parties. They have been useful, and to some extent remain so; but the floating, uncommitted electors, farmers, clerks, mechanics, the masters of parties--watching aloof, inclining victory this side or that side--such are the ones most needed, present and future. For America, if eligible at all to downfall and ruin, is eligible within herself, not without; for I see clearly that the combined foreign world could not beat her down. But these savage, wolfish parties alarm me. Owning no law but their own will, more and more combative, less and less tolerant of the idea of ensemble and of equal brotherhood, the perfect equality of the States, the ever-overarching American ideas, it behooves you to convey yourself implicitly to no party, nor submit blindly to their dictators, but steadily hold yourself judge and master over all of them."

Meaghan Smith


Meaghan Smith commented…

Whereas some assessments are more advanced, many health tests are simple to conduct.

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